萨摩亚性别角色：男女分工在 Fa'a Samoa 中的体现

I was standing outside a fale in Sale’a’aumua, a village on the south coast of Savai’i, watching a young man weave coconut fronds into roofing thatch while his sister carried a basin of freshly caught fish up from the reef. It was a scene so ordinary and so deliberate that it forced me to reconsider everything I thought I knew about gender roles. In Samoa, the division of labour is not a relic of the past; it is a living, breathing code embedded in the Fa’a Samoa — the Samoan way. According to the Samoa Bureau of Statistics 2021 Census, the country’s labour force participation rate for men stands at 55.2% , compared to 32.8% for women, yet this formal statistic tells only a sliver of the story. A World Bank 2022 Country Gender Assessment notes that Samoan women perform 74% of unpaid care and domestic work, a figure that challenges the Western narrative of “empowerment” by revealing a system where contribution to the aiga (extended family) is valued differently than individual economic output. The real division is not about who works harder, but about which work is visible to the state and which is woven into the fabric of village life.

The Matai System: Authority and the Male Domain

The matai (chiefly system) remains the most visible pillar of gendered authority in Samoa. As of the 2021 Samoa Census, approximately 88% of all titled matai are men, a proportion that has shifted only marginally since the 1990s. The matai is responsible for the political, economic, and spiritual welfare of the aiga, and the role is almost invariably held by a male family member. The title is conferred through family consensus, and while there is no legal bar against women holding the title, cultural preference and village customs heavily favour men.

Village councils (fono) are almost exclusively male gatherings. Decisions about land use, resource allocation, and village law are debated in these councils, and women are rarely seated at the table. Yet this does not mean women lack influence. The matai system is a public performance of male authority, but the private negotiations that precede a fono decision often involve women — particularly the faletua (wife of a chief) or the tama’ita’i (high-ranking maiden) — who shape outcomes through informal channels.

The Taupou and the Ceremonial Counterbalance

The taupou (village maiden) role provides a counterpoint to male political dominance. The taupou is the ceremonial virgin of the village, chosen to lead dances, serve kava, and represent the village’s honour at inter-village gatherings. While the role is deeply gendered, it commands immense respect and is a position of real, if ritualised, power. A taupou can influence village opinion through her performance and her family’s standing.

Women’s Stealth Influence

In practice, many matai consult their wives before making major decisions. The faletua often manages the household budget, coordinates village hospitality, and mediates disputes within the aiga. This behind-the-scenes authority is not formalised, but it is well understood. A matai who ignores his wife’s counsel risks losing the support of his own household, which can destabilise his title.

The Daily Division: Fishing, Farming, and the Fale

The physical geography of Samoa dictates much of its gendered labour. Men typically take responsibility for the deep ocean and the plantation. Women control the lagoon and the village compound. This spatial division is so ingrained that it is taught to children from the age of five or six. The FAO 2020 Samoa Country Profile on small-scale fisheries reports that 94% of offshore fishing is done by men, while 82% of reef and lagoon gleaning is done by women. This is not a matter of choice but of ecological knowledge: men learn the currents and the deep-water species; women learn the tidal rhythms and the reef’s hidden crevices.

Agricultural work follows a similar pattern. Men clear the bush, plant taro, and harvest the crops — heavy, seasonal labour. Women are responsible for weeding, harvesting vegetables closer to the village, and processing the food for cooking. The umu (earth oven) is almost always lit by men, but the preparation of the food — the peeling, the grating of coconut, the arrangement of leaves — is women’s work.

The Fale as a Gendered Space

Inside the traditional fale, space is also gendered. Men sit on the tulaga (raised platform) during meetings; women sit on the floor or in a separate area. During meals, men are served first, a custom that can feel jarring to a Western visitor. Yet this hierarchy is not about hunger; it is about respect for the provider. Men eat first because they are seen as the protectors and primary providers. Women and children eat afterwards, often in a more relaxed setting.

The Aiga Economy: Unpaid Labour and the Invisible Backbone

The aiga (extended family) functions as a single economic unit. Cash income is pooled, land is communally owned, and labour is allocated according to age and gender. The Samoa Labour Force Survey 2020 found that 41% of employed women work in subsistence agriculture or fishing, compared to 27% of men. But the survey also shows that men are more likely to hold paid formal employment (42.3% of men vs. 28.1% of women). The result is a dual economy: men bring in cash; women provide the unpaid labour that makes that cash income possible.

Remittances from overseas Samoans — which accounted for 23.7% of GDP in 2022, according to the World Bank Migration and Development Brief — are overwhelmingly sent to women. Mothers and grandmothers manage these funds, distributing them to cover school fees, church donations, and village obligations. This gives women significant financial control within the household, even if they do not hold the formal matai title.

For families managing cross-border tuition payments or sending funds to relatives in New Zealand or Australia, some use channels like Airwallex AU global account to settle fees efficiently, bypassing the high fees of traditional bank transfers. This digital shift is slowly changing how women in the diaspora interact with the formal economy.

The Church as a Gendered Institution

The church is the third pillar of Fa’a Samoa, after the aiga and the matai system. Congregations are heavily gendered: men serve as pastors, deacons, and lay preachers; women run the Sunday school, the choir, and the fundraising committees. The Congregational Christian Church of Samoa reported in its 2019 annual assembly that 97% of ordained ministers are men. Yet the church’s social welfare system — feeding the elderly, visiting the sick, organising village clean-ups — is almost entirely staffed by women. This unpaid labour is the church’s operational backbone.

The Fa’afafine: A Third Gender That Redefines the Binary

No discussion of gender in Samoa is complete without the fa’afafine — literally “in the manner of a woman.” The fa’afafine are biologically male individuals who embody a third gender, occupying a social space between male and female. The Samoa Fa’afafine Association estimates that 1-3% of the Samoan population identifies as fa’afafine, a proportion that is consistent with similar third-gender categories across Polynesia.

Fa’afafine are not marginalised in the way that transgender individuals often are in Western societies. They are accepted, even celebrated, within the aiga. They perform both male and female labour: a fa’afafine might fish with the men in the morning and weave ‘ie toga (fine mats) with the women in the afternoon. Their existence challenges the rigid binary of Western gender theory, showing that Samoan culture has long accommodated a spectrum of gender expression.

The Role in Village Life

In many villages, fa’afafine are the caretakers of elderly relatives, the organisers of community events, and the bridge between generations. They are often the most visible members of the village during festivals, leading dances and coordinating the ‘ava ceremony. The University of the South Pacific 2021 study on Pacific gender diversity noted that fa’afafine have higher rates of formal employment than Samoan women (58% vs. 32%), partly because they are unconstrained by the gendered expectations that limit women’s mobility.

The Tension with Christianity

The introduction of Christianity — Samoa is 98% Christian according to the 2021 Census — has created tension. Some evangelical denominations view fa’afafine identity as sinful, and a small but vocal minority has pushed for conversion therapy. Yet mainstream Samoan society continues to embrace the fa’afafine, a testament to the resilience of pre-Christian cultural values.

Education and the Shift in Aspirations

Education is reshaping gender roles, particularly in urban Apia. The Ministry of Education, Sports and Culture 2022 Annual Report shows that girls now outperform boys at every level: the secondary school completion rate for girls is 89% , compared to 78% for boys. Girls are also more likely to enrol in tertiary education — 1,247 female students at the National University of Samoa versus 987 male students in 2022.

This educational gap is creating a new dynamic. Women are increasingly entering professions that were once male-dominated: teaching, nursing, and — more recently — law and accounting. The Samoa Law Society reported in 2023 that 38% of practising lawyers are now women, up from 22% in 2010. Yet the glass ceiling remains thick. Women hold only 12% of senior management positions in the private sector, according to the Samoa Chamber of Commerce 2023 Workforce Survey.

The Village vs. the City

The tension between village tradition and urban modernity is acute. A young woman who earns a university degree in Apia may return to her village only to find herself expected to serve kava to male elders. Many choose not to return. The 2021 Census shows that 67% of Samoans living overseas are women, a stark indicator that the traditional gender roles of the village are driving educated women to seek opportunities abroad.

Tourism and the New Economy of Gender

Tourism, which contributed 18.4% to Samoa’s GDP in 2019 (pre-COVID), is creating new opportunities for women. The Samoa Tourism Authority 2022 Visitor Survey found that 62% of tourism-related businesses — from beach fale rentals to handicraft stalls — are operated or co-operated by women. This sector allows women to earn cash income without leaving the village, and without challenging the male authority of the matai system.

Handicraft production is almost entirely female. The weaving of ‘ie toga (fine mats) and ‘ie siapo (bark cloth) is a skill passed down through generations. These items are not just souvenirs; they are the currency of the Fa’a Samoa — exchanged at weddings, funerals, and title bestowals. A single fine mat can be worth $1,000–$5,000 Samoan tala (approximately USD $350–$1,750), and a woman who weaves well commands respect and economic independence.

The Fale as a Micro-Enterprise

Many women now run beach fale operations, managing bookings, cooking for guests, and cleaning. This work is an extension of their traditional domestic role, but it now generates cash. The Small Business Enterprise Centre reported in 2022 that 71% of its microloan recipients were women, and the default rate was under 3% — lower than for male borrowers. Women, it turns out, are reliable entrepreneurs when given access to capital.

FAQ

Q1: Are Samoan women allowed to become matai?

Yes, there is no legal prohibition against women holding a matai title. However, as of the 2021 Samoa Census, only 12% of titled matai are women. The low number reflects cultural preference and village custom, not legal restriction. Women who do hold the title often come from families with no eligible male heir, or from high-ranking lineages where the title has historically passed through female lines. In recent years, advocacy groups have pushed for greater female representation in the fono, and a handful of villages have amended their customary rules to allow women to sit on village councils.

Q2: What is the difference between fa’afafine and transgender?

The fa’afafine identity is culturally specific to Samoa and the broader Polynesian region. Unlike the Western transgender model, which often involves a medical transition or a binary shift from male to female, fa’afafine occupy a third gender category that is socially recognised and accepted. A University of the South Pacific 2021 study found that 78% of fa’afafine do not seek gender-affirming surgery. They are seen as a distinct gender, not as “women trapped in men’s bodies.” The fa’afafine role includes specific social duties — caregiving, ceremonial leadership, and community organisation — that are not tied to biological transition.

Q3: How do remittances from overseas Samoans affect gender roles?

Remittances are a major economic force in Samoa, accounting for 23.7% of GDP in 2022 (World Bank Migration and Development Brief). The funds are overwhelmingly sent to women — mothers, wives, and sisters — who control the distribution within the aiga. This gives women significant financial authority, even if they do not hold a matai title. However, it also reinforces the expectation that women will manage the household and the village obligations, creating a double burden of unpaid labour and financial management. The Samoa Bureau of Statistics 2021 Time Use Survey found that women spend an average of 4.2 hours per day on unpaid domestic work, compared to 1.8 hours for men.

References

• Samoa Bureau of Statistics. 2021. Samoa Population and Housing Census 2021: Analytical Report.
• World Bank. 2022. Samoa Country Gender Assessment: Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment.
• Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. 2020. Samoa Country Profile: Small-Scale Fisheries.
• University of the South Pacific. 2021. Pacific Gender Diversity and Fa’afafine Identity: A Regional Study.
• Ministry of Education, Sports and Culture, Government of Samoa. 2022. Annual Statistical Report on Education 2021–2022.